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The Office of the Deputy Speaker: A Constitutional Imperative, Not a Symbolic Post

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The Office of the Deputy Speaker: A Constitutional Imperative, Not a Symbolic Post

The Indian parliamentary democracy is built on a delicate balance of powers, constitutional mandates, and time-tested conventions. Among its various institutional pillars, the Office of the Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha holds a unique place — not as a ceremonial appendage, but as a constitutional necessity. Enshrined under Article 93 of the Indian Constitution, the post is intended to provide continuity, institutional balance, and stability in the functioning of the Lok Sabha. Yet, in recent years, the persistent vacancy in this office has raised significant concerns regarding constitutional adherence and the erosion of democratic conventions.

Constitutional Mandate and Historical Origins

Article 93 of the Constitution stipulates that “The House of the People shall, as soon as may be, choose two members of the House to be respectively Speaker and Deputy Speaker.” This clearly reflects the framers’ intention that both these positions are vital for the functioning of the legislature. The phrase “as soon as may be” does not offer discretion but indicates urgency. The post of Deputy Speaker is constitutionally at par with the Speaker in terms of its indispensability. Furthermore, Article 94 provides that the Deputy Speaker shall remain in office until they resign, are removed by a resolution of the House, or cease to be a member of the Lok Sabha.

The office has its roots in the colonial legislative framework. The first Deputy President of the Central Legislative Assembly was Sachidanand Sinha, appointed in 1921. By the time of Independence, the office had become a well-recognised institution of parliamentary governance. Even before the Constitution came into effect in 1950, the Constituent Assembly (Legislative) had consciously decided to retain the role. The first Deputy Speaker of independent India was M.A. Ayyangar, who went on to serve as the acting Speaker after the sudden demise of G.V. Mavalankar. His role during the crisis set an important precedent, highlighting the need for a second-in-command in the Lok Sabha.

Role and Relevance in Parliamentary Functioning

While the Speaker is the constitutional authority presiding over the Lok Sabha, no individual can be expected to discharge this duty without rest or absence. As constitutional expert S.C. Kashyap pointed out in Dada Saheb Mavalankar: Father of Lok Sabha, the physical limitations of the Speaker necessitate a dependable substitute. The Deputy Speaker ensures that the proceedings of the House are not stalled in the Speaker’s absence.

However, the Deputy Speaker’s role goes beyond merely “filling in”. They may preside over debates, chair select committees, and facilitate sensitive legislative discussions. Importantly, like the Speaker, the Deputy Speaker is expected to shed political affiliations upon election and act impartially. This non-partisan expectation is crucial for maintaining decorum and trust in parliamentary proceedings.

The office has also symbolised the spirit of bipartisan cooperation. A long-standing convention — though not legally binding — has been to offer the post of Deputy Speaker to the Opposition. This practice has promoted a semblance of power-sharing, ensured institutional inclusivity, and reinforced the impartial image of the presiding offices of the House.

A Constitutional Vacuum: The 17th and 18th Lok Sabha

Despite its constitutional and historical significance, the Office of the Deputy Speaker was left vacant for the entire term of the 17th Lok Sabha (2019–2024). Alarmingly, the newly constituted 18th Lok Sabha after the 2024 general elections has yet to elect a Deputy Speaker. This extended delay is not just a procedural lapse — it is a constitutional anomaly. Never before in India’s parliamentary history has the office remained vacant for such an extended duration.

The phrase “as soon as may be” cannot be interpreted as “whenever convenient”. The indefinite delay represents a wilful neglect of constitutional responsibility. It also raises serious concerns regarding executive overreach and the weakening of institutional checks and balances. The absence of a Deputy Speaker centralises procedural authority within the Speaker, often aligned with the ruling party, and removes a key counterbalance envisioned by the Constitution.

In the event of a crisis — such as the resignation, death, or removal of the Speaker — the lack of a constitutionally designated successor can cause confusion and a leadership vacuum in the House. Moreover, the delay signals a disregard for the parliamentary convention of allocating the Deputy Speaker’s post to the Opposition, thereby undermining bipartisan cooperation and democratic goodwill.

Implications for Democratic Functioning

Leaving the post of Deputy Speaker vacant has both functional and symbolic ramifications. Functionally, it risks disruptions in House proceedings and undermines legislative efficiency. Symbolically, it weakens the spirit of constitutional governance and the ethos of rule-based functioning.

More concerning is the erosion of democratic conventions, especially at a time when institutional integrity is under increased scrutiny. While the convention of allotting the post to the Opposition is not mandatory, it is a time-honoured practice that reinforces democratic pluralism. The current disregard for this practice reflects a broader trend of partisan consolidation of institutional spaces, which is detrimental to democratic health.

Furthermore, the assertion that there is “no urgency” to appoint a Deputy Speaker contradicts the very logic of constitutional redundancy and preparedness. The framers of the Constitution designed parliamentary offices like the Deputy Speaker not as optional add-ons but as structural necessities to ensure continuity and stability in governance.

The Way Forward: Need for Reform

The persistent neglect of the Deputy Speaker’s office highlights the need for legislative and constitutional reform. One approach could be to amend Article 93 to include a mandatory time frame — for instance, requiring the election of the Deputy Speaker within 60 days of the first sitting of a new Lok Sabha. This would close the current loophole and enforce timely compliance.

Alternatively, a statutory mechanism could empower the President to initiate the process of election upon the advice of the Prime Minister or Speaker if the House delays the appointment beyond a reasonable time. While care must be taken to maintain the autonomy of the legislature, such a mechanism would ensure adherence to constitutional norms and prevent deliberate inaction.

Another possibility is to codify certain parliamentary conventions, such as the practice of allocating the post to the Opposition. While codification risks reducing flexibility, it may be necessary to preserve crucial conventions that are increasingly being disregarded.

Conclusion

The Office of the Deputy Speaker is not symbolic, nor is it dispensable. It is a constitutionally mandated post, designed to uphold the integrity, continuity, and impartiality of India’s parliamentary democracy. The continued vacancy of this office represents not just a breach of constitutional propriety but a serious erosion of parliamentary ethics and conventions.

As the world’s largest democracy, India cannot afford to undermine its own institutional architecture. Electing a Deputy Speaker should not be viewed as a political bargaining chip but as a reaffirmation of the rule of law and constitutional discipline. Restoring the sanctity of this office will require both political will and institutional reform. Parliament must now rise to the occasion and demonstrate its commitment to the values enshrined in the Constitution. In doing so, it will not only restore the dignity of the Deputy Speaker’s office but also strengthen the very foundations of Indian democracy.

April 30, 2025
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